The Pyramid of Corruption, which term is a metaphor I use for the caste system and everything that comes with it, cannot throw any light on Rohith’s suicide. I have to say this because people who don’t really read the book, or don’t understand its arguments when they do, have historically come to very hasty conclusions about what I’ve written.
Those on The Left, who are commenting on the suicide, are basing their statements on the thesis that Brahmins or other upper caste people, specifically in The Right, have somehow conspired to push this student to commit suicide.
Even if the allegation were true (I have no way of deciding either way), nothing in my book can explain it. This is simply because it would be an ‘operational’ crime, not a ‘primitive’ one. I have nothing to say about ‘operational’ crime or corruption.
In case you don’t understand the term ‘operational’ crime or corruption, it is crime or corruption which is of the nature of a deviation from “the system”. If the allegation were true, it would clearly be such a deviation, and I have nothing to say about deviations. My book is about “the system” itself, and what would go wrong if there is no deviation.
My book is about how the caste system has entered into the very foundations of the Indian Nation. I talk at the level of how entire South India, being mostly Shudra, is in a Vaishya Vacuum. This fact benefits North India because Vaishyas are almost entirely North Indian.
I talk at the level of why Sankritized Hindi is essentially considered superior to any South Indian language. I talk at the level of a depopulating South India and Aryan (i.e., North Indian) migration into the South, and consequently Aryan control of the South, right under our noses.
From the above, I hope you understand that I don’t differentiate between The Left or The Right. Both swear by the same constitution and my book is about what’s wrong with that constitution. I call for rewriting that book from scratch.
If my suggestions are accepted, I don’t think suicides like the one in question can be saved in the ultimate analysis. Only, New Delhi would have nothing to do with them. Such cases would be opened and closed within Telangana because they’re not inter-state matters.
Yes, Rohith Vemulas wouldn’t be worried about Yakub Memons that don’t trouble Telangana. Telangana itself would be a much safer place vis-a-vis attacks from potential Yakub Memons who don’t speak Telugu. Telangana would catch non-Telugus easily. Today it doesn’t and the Centre is itself non-Telugu for the most part.
I think I can say that Rohith Vemulas wouldn’t worry about an all India “Dalit” caste, which is just a recently invented collective noun. They’d stick to local caste names and would therefore worry less. Also, caste distinctions would get slowly erased because of the increased focus on Telugu from every caste, and the collaborative effort to make Telugu fit for all modern purposes.
Further, the Centre would be a Government of Governments, not a Government of People, and therefore there would be no central Human Resources Development minister or ministry to begin with. No Central Universities either. The Hyderabad University would be answerable only to the State Government. Let me also say that Telugu, with a high degree of focus on native words, would be the preferred medium of education.
And hey, there’d be no Telangana either. There’d only be a united Andhra, because the Centre wouldn’t have the power to create or destroy states, and all the states of my conception are linguistic ones. ‘One language, one state’. Not like Ambedkar’s ‘one state, one language’.
I hope this short journey into the book gives you an idea of what the book is and is not. I hope you too, stop worrying about these ‘operational’ issues and take a look at what’s wrong in a ‘primitive’ sense.